The day had been chill but bright, the trees in nearby Sanssouci Park in full autumn splendour, we had explored the streets of small shops not yet ravaged by competition from sprawling commercial palaces and sampled the local Kaffee und Kuchen. As the evening drew near, our sense of anticipation mounted. We had made the journey in honour of Serap Cileli, indefatigable campaigner for the rights of Muslim women in Germany, whom I am proud to call a friend. Her courage and fortitude, her uncompromising criticism of injustice and oppression were about to be given official recognition in the form of the Bul le mérite, awarded annually by the Association of German Criminal Investigation Officers (AGCIO, in the original BDK) for outstanding contributions to promoting internal security and social consensus concerning issues of vital importance.

Encomium by Minister Beate Blechinger, Minister of Justice of the Federal State of Potsdam:

“‘Do you repent of your sins?’ was the question with which Hatun Sürücü’s younger brother dispatched his sister to her death. Five shots hit the 23-year-old mother of a young son directly in the head. Berlin police later described the killing as an outright execution. The great sense of horror over this terrible deed was not confined to Berlin alone, but was felt throughout the entire country. It was not the first crime of its type in Germany. Never before, however, had the sufferings of Muslim women and the threat to them emanating from traditions such as being forced to wear the veil, forced marriages right through to so-called “honour” killings – even the term itself is unspeakable – been brought to public attention in such shocking fashion.

The cold-bloodedness displayed by the Sürücü brothers, the emotional detachment shown by her parents all the way through to the comments of approval made by certain school pupils of Turkish extraction generated a sense of complete bewilderment, all the more so since these reactions were obviously fully in keeping with the moral concepts of a few Muslim families living in Germany. Public opinion also took clear note of the condemnations issued by Turkish and Islamic associations. In both the media and politics the incident triggered weeks of debate on the subject of integration policy.

The five shots fired on a February night in 2005 at a bus-stop in Berlin-Tempelhof and which ended the life of Hatun Sürücü gave rise to a plethora of questions of the kind which Serap Cileli, who has in the meantime been honoured on numerous occasions for her achievements in campaigning for legal equality for Turkish and Muslim women, had already been asking repeatedly for quite some time:

How should majority society in Germany deal with the existence of Turkish-Muslim parallel societies?

How can a stop be put to the state of complete deprivation of rights faced by thousands of women and girls of Turkish origin?

What is the state of play of integration efforts in Germany?

How tough an approach should be adopted vis-à-vis values and moral concepts, which are incompatible with the constitution?

Politics too has become aware of its responsibility and begun addressing these issues. At national and European level numerous initiatives have been launched and programmes drawn up with a view to improving the situation of women with an immigrant background. The Portuguese Presidency [of the European Union], for example, intends to put immigration and trafficking of women on the agenda. Before the year is out an international day against trafficking in women is supposed to draw attention to this problem. In addition to these efforts, the European Parliament is preparing a Year against Violence against Women. Above and beyond these actions, many organisations, centres and refuges across the world are engaged in informing women at risk about the dangers they face, but also about the rights they enjoy. My impression is that the topic has been firmly placed on the political agenda, a great deal of valuable work is being done, but in order to bring about a change in the mindset of Turkish-Muslim families our efforts must be redoubled.

Against this backdrop, appeals, personal testimonies and offers of help from women directly affected by these issues assume even greater importance; from women, whose accounts carry weight within the Turkish-Muslim community because they share the same cultural background and because they have first-hand experience of the situation. It is precisely this correlation that Serap Cileli has recognised. Her first book, We Are Your Daughters, Not Your Honour, caused quite a stir accordingly. In this volume, the author sets out a frank description of the hardships she encountered during her childhood and adolescence in a strict Muslim family and in so doing made a valuable contribution to a long overdue debate. In so doing, Serap Cileli has assumed her place in the tradition of the great campaigners for women’s rights, putting her in such august company as Lea Ackermann, who rendered outstanding services by fighting for help to be given to women who had been forced into prostitution and who was awarded the “Bul-le-mérite” by the AGCIO. In this context I am also thinking of Waris Dirie from Somalia, whose commitment to the cause of banning the circumcision of women in Africa also brought a wave of solidarity into being. The incalculable worth of all these publications lies in the fact that they provide authentic proof of perpetrated injustices and thereby create the pressure necessary for sustained action.

That latter point is particularly true of Serap Cileli’s book, which leaves a deep and lasting impression on the reader, not least because of the realisation that the extent of the problems set out therein has been seriously underestimated. The reader becomes aware that Serap Cileli only narrowly escaped the same sad fate as Hatun Sürücü and that the story of both women’s sufferings is emblematic of those of thousands of others.

Serap Cileli too was as a 12-year-old girl engaged to a future husband during a holiday in Turkey and only escaped the forced marriage through attempting suicide. Three years later she was made to marry against her will a man ten years older than herself who was a complete stranger to her before being left behind in Turkey. A period full of despair and fear ensued. During this time, however, the seeds of the will to take control of her own life and the firm resolve to flee the existence she so despised germinated within. After seven years of forced matrimony and the birth of two children she was able to obtain a divorce. Later on, Serap Cileli was finally able to find the love and intimacy she had longed for and had been made to do without in a relationship with a new partner. Her parents’ reaction was one of rejection: they regarded their daughter’s new relationship as an affair that brought dishonour and threatened to punish her for it. The bitter feud with her parents culminated in the abduction of her children by their grandmother, who took them off to Germany. The unshakeable bonds of solidarity and closeness between Serap Cileli and her second husband Ali were what gave her in the end the strength needed to flee to Germany, take back her children and start a new life.

Serap Cileli’s life story demonstrates that what is termed as “forced marriage” only provides the faintest of hints about the suffering experienced by the women who are trapped in it. For year after year serious crimes were committed against both her and her children, crimes, which have never been atoned for. Whether we are talking about the brutal physical injuries inflicted by her Father, the abduction of the children by her Mother or the oppression and state of incapacitation induced by the family as a whole over a prolonged period of time – all of these took place as a result of an archaic concept of honour.

The fact that the Association of German Criminal Investigation Officers is honouring Mrs. Cileli with the Bul le mérite represents an important signal. Investigating and prosecuting acts of violence is the task of CID officers. From their day-to-day work they are familiar with the prevailing conditions in society at large. Unfortunately in the negative sense for the most part. To an increasing extent, the CID has to tackle the reality that in our society new motives for committing violent crimes exist. Officers are being confronted with the phenomena that Serap Cileli sets out. This constitutes new and to a great degree unknown territory, which the officers have to negotiate. For this reason, becoming familiar with and understanding the background to such crimes is useful.

I welcome the fact that the CID is both ready and willing to take on this task. The two central concerns of standing up for human rights and combating violence unite the recipient of today’s award and the officers of the CID. Agreement on both objectives lays the foundation for tackling the problems of integration together and without prejudice. Today’s award ceremony makes an important contribution to this undertaking.

The CID is confronted with the integration issue on a day by day basis, not only in densely populated urbanised regions or major cities such as Berlin. It is true that Germany, in spite of all the efforts that have been made, is still at the beginning of a long process when it comes to the integration of migrants. Moreover, it is also beyond dispute that ignorance and a misunderstood notion of tolerance has meant that many opportunities have been missed for years on end.

In your first life – which is what it ought to be called – you demonstrated great courage on many occasions. Your strength has saved your own life as well as the lives of your children. In spite of your terrible experiences you decided against withdrawing into privacy once you had rescued them. You dared to go public, a step, which transformed you into a “nest-fouler” in the eyes of many of your Turkish compatriots. The resulting risk of threats and of being confronted with violence did not deter you.

You stood firm and in so doing helped demolish the wall of silence, thereby encouraging women who have endured sufferings similar to yours to rebel. You have shown unflagging persistence in fighting for the right of oppressed women to take charge of their own lives and have denounced the human rights abuses that have taken place right in front of all our eyes.

Today you, together with your new family, are living the life you hardly dared to even dream of as a young woman. Perhaps it was this very dream of happiness, from which you have drawn and continue to draw the sustenance and strength that enable you to carry out your important task.

For the commitment coupled with unwavering inner sympathy you have shown, I would like to offer you my warmest personal gratitude, as well as that of the government of the Federal State of Brandenburg. The courage to stand up for what you believe in that you have demonstrated is exemplary and will hopefully serve as a model for many others to emulate.

Dear Mrs. Cileli, it is a particular pleasure and honour for me to present you with the “Bul le mérite” award of the Association of German Criminal Investigation Officers in recognition of your achievements.

Many congratulations and all the very best for the future!”

Serap’s acceptance speech: “‘Fifty years of immigration into Germany’, the integration of Muslims and internal security in Germany is and will continue to be one of the most important policy tasks and duties at home over the years to come. Everyone is aware of the opportunities that were missed and of what has happened in the past, so let us talk about what will happen tomorrow and what will have to be done in the future.

It is a fact that Germany has been a destination for immigrants in the past and remains a destination for immigrants today. It is likewise a fact that the vast majority of Muslims in Germany, particularly those of Turkish origin, are caught up in their misogynistic ways of life, customs and traditions, in their Islamic faith and culture. It is also a fact that Islam in Germany ‘as a religion between God and man’ has not only lost its face, but has shown its original face as ‘archaic and violent’.

And for quite some time now, Islam in Germany has not merely been the religion of immigrants, but of at least 18,000 German converts. Their precise numbers are not known because there are no registers of converts. But there can be no doubt that there has been an ‘upward trend’ and that more and more Germans are converting to Islam, which from my point of view reveals an alarming development. We should keep a vigilant eye on converts. They are the offspring of solid middle-class German families, are susceptible to radicalisation and often, as the Prime Minister Designate of Bavaria Günther Beckstein (CSU) stated in Handelsblatt (on 6^th September 2007) ‘have a clear tendency towards particular fanaticism to prove themselves worthy of the[ir] new religion’.

The so-called home-grown Islamic suicide bombers ‘on the way to paradise’ did not just have names like Adem Y. or Mohammed Atta, but were also called Fritz Martin and Daniel Martin [the reference is to Adem Y., a 28-year-old German-Turk, Fritz Martin G. (also 28) and Daniel Martin S. (21), the latter two Germans who had converted to Islam, were suspected of being members of the terrorist organisation Islamic Jihad Union and of having planned bomb attacks on Us facilities. All three of the accused were arrested on suspicion of terrorism in Sauerland shortly before the 6^th anniversary of the September 11^th atrocities. Mohammed Atta was a student in Hamburg before piloting one of the planes used on September 11^th]

Since the majority of the converts of German origin are women, I would like to mention the 38-year-old Belgian [Muriel Degauque] who blew herself up in Baghdad on 9^th November 2005 as well as 40-year-old Sonja B. from Berlin suspected of pursuing jihad with her young child ‘on Allah’s path’. We ought to pay very close attention to this new movement of religious warriors.

I would therefore like to call upon each and every one of us to show greater courage and speak out clearly.

Because it has become common knowledge that not only religious fundamentalism and political Islam have long since become a striking reality in Germany, but also the so-called ‘Grey Wolves’ [Bozkurtlar], who are known to be a rallying point for ‘Turkish’ neo-fascists. This movement of ethnic (racist) nationalists mixed with fundamentalist elements with its propensity to violence and totalitarian system based on the leader principle [Führerprinzip] constitutes a breeding ground for Islamic and extremist organisations on German soil. Quite frequently behind the representative mosque buildings – which appear as a symbol of the strength and superiority of Islam – lurk the obscure groups of Grey Wolves.

Every person has the right to practice his religion, the right to freedom, equality and safety, the right to individual difference. Nonetheless, difference can only be accepted as long as it does not endanger the peaceful cohabitation of people in this country. Because it is indisputable that any society can only cope with a certain amount of difference. The limits of difference must be contained in the constitution, which applies equally to all citizens of this country.

Human dignity and human rights as well as freedom and individuality are the preconditions as well as the fruits of democracy, which are indivisible.

The values enshrined in our constitution are the highest and binding goods for all members of the Federal Government and ought not to be restricted in favour of other values such as the traditional norms and values of the sharia (the Islamic legal system).

The judicial scandal in a set of divorce proceedings before a woman family court judge in March of this year furnishes depressing proof of how the German legal system is being undermined in the name of the sharia. Because a 26-year-old Muslim – a German of Moroccan extraction – was being subjected to severe maltreatment by her Moroccan husband she wanted to speed up her divorce. Her application for the proceedings to be accelerated due to aggravating circumstances was rejected by the Frankfurt judge with reference to the Koran. She cited the right of physical chastisement enjoyed by the Muslim man in marriage.

A further example of how the German courts are capitulating to the sharia and archaic traditions was something we witnessed in the Sürücü trial in Berlin. The orthodox Islamic family of the murdered victim, Hatun Sürücü, was accompanied by their own ‘kadi’, or ‘sharia judge’ throughout the trial. As a close acquaintance of the Sürücü family he took his place in the courtroom with the consent of the German judge.

I see red when I see with my own eyes how the Imam of Izmir recognised today’s reality years ago now. He turned to the Christian participants at a dialogue meeting and warned the Western Europeans: ‘Thanks to your democratic laws we will overpower you; thanks to your religious laws we will rule over you’ [The reference is to the European Synod in 1999 when the Turkish Bishop Bernardini reported about the openness with which the Imam of Izmir had addressed the Christian participants in a dialogue meeting shortly beforehand. The quotation was drawn from an article by Gernot Facius in Die Welt, 6^th October 2001 edition and by Hans-Peter Raddatz in From God to Allah, Munich, Herbig Publishers, 2001, p349] And I must admit that he is right, because the ‘reign’ has already begun. You have no choice but to wonder whether the Christian-Islamic dialogue is not based on a series of deceptions.

What chance does the Christian-Islamic dialogue have when the Muslim brothers and sisters confront us with unassailable dogmas, such as: ‘We have the answer to your questions! You cannot teach us anything and we do not need to learn anything because Islam is the only true faith, the first human was a Muslim. It is the original faith of Abraham. We invite you all to show our Prophet, Islam, the sharia, the hadith and the Koran reverence and respect’.

How much longer are we supposed to stand to attention before Muslims who make statements similar to that of the former Lord Mayor of Istanbul and current Prime Minister Erdogan, who, at an electoral campaign meeting in South-East Anatolia, quoted the following in his speech: ‘Democracy is merely the train we will board until we reach the destination. The mosques are our barracks, the minarets our bayonets, the domes our helmets and the faithful our soldiers’ [In 1998 Erdogan was arrested for incitement to religious hatred for quoting a religious poem by Ziya Gökalp at an electoral meeting in South-East Anatolia and sentenced to 10 months’ imprisonment, of which he served four. See Die Welt online, The Islamist as Moderniser, 6^th May 2007 and Dietrich Alexander, Reformer or Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing? likewise in Die Welt, 22^nd September 2004] It would appear to be true that we are dealing with a dialogue of the deaf.

Because it is a fact that terms such as ‘a dialogue between equal partners’, ‘mutual respect, fairness and equality’, or terms such as ‘human rights’, ‘women’s rights’, ‘freedom to practice religion’, ‘democracy’ and values such as ‘freedom of opinion’, ‘freedom of information’ and ‘artistic freedom’ possess a completely different meaning for the Muslim population than they do for Western Europeans.

I would like to stress quite unequivocally: the freedom to practice religion cannot be granted to a community that combats our country’s constitution.

It would make it far easier for many Muslim girls and women to perform the balancing act between traditions at home and the modern Western world in the foreseeable future if the Koran and the sharia were henceforth not given precedence over applicable German law.

When I as a woman from a Turkish immigrant background put up a fight against male domination sanctioned by Islam, against turning back the clock, I call upon Germans too to muster the courage to call a spade a spade and to defend the values of civilisation instead of handing out culture and Islam bonuses, like the German cultural relativists, who never miss an opportunity to issue reminders of the dark legacy of the German past and who understand the second-class position of women in Islamic societies as a form of promotion of culture.

If the Germans wish to free themselves of feelings of guilt, if they do not wish to become the victims of self-censorship they ought to show courage and defy the creeping Islamicisation of our country because a consistent political response is long overdue.

And last but not least they should support us in our rebellion against patriarchal authority and Islamic tradition. All of this is true, but it is only part of the truth.

What we all know, but are not permitted to utter out loud.

Has structural integration of immigrants in the education system, the labour market and professional life and cultural assimilation with the local majority been a success? Or has the concept of integration foundered?

The answer to those questions was the best-kept open secret in the country until the 11^th September 2001. After the murder ‘in the name of Allah’ of the film-maker Theo van Gogh who was critical of Islam, anger and consternation prevailed not only in the Netherlands, but throughout Western Europe.

On 2^nd November 2004 Van Gogh was not only executed in broad daylight in the street, but subsequently slaughtered like a sheep in accordance with Islamic ritual. For several days afterwards shoot-outs took place between police, army and Islamic fundamentalists in The Hague as if war had broken out.

Islam expert Bassam Tibi explained to the press why the concept of dominant culture he devised is of such crucial importance and he issued a warning: ‘In its current state of mind Europe cannot ward off Islamicisation’ [The reference is to an article in Die Tagespost, 4^th December 2004, What is Really at Stake]

Nevertheless the multicultural dreamers with their romantic vision of society ignored the critical voices as they have done for the last 50 years. The critics were greeted with vehement disapproval and confronted with accusations of jeopardising the internal peace of the country. Extremists, Islamists and sleepers, forced marriages and imported brides dominated the media headlines and parallel societies cropped up again and again. Nonetheless attempts were made to silence the critics and the valid points they made derided by means of exaggeration. Only in the wake of Hatun Sürücü’s murder in Berlin-Tempelhof on 7^th February 2005 did the taboo begin to crumble. At the same time the political intellectuals here in Germany admonished us to be on our guard against trading in generalisations as tarring everyone with the same brush and indulging in cheap propaganda would make us guilty of endangering the climate of integration.

This paralysing ignorance of the unasked question: ‘What is the state of play of the integration of Muslims in Germany?’ was put to an end by headmaster Volker Steffens. In Grade 8 of the Thomas Morus Secondary School in Berlin-Neukölln, three male Muslim pupils expressed their approval of Hatun Sürücü’s murder in the following words: ‘She only had herself to blame. The whore was running around like a German’. Whereupon the headmaster of Thomas Morus Secondary School in Neukölln, Volker Steffens, published an open letter to the parents: ‘These pupils are upsetting the peaceful life of the school by approving of the murder.

We will not tolerate rabble-rousing propaganda against freedom’.

In the public eye Hatun Sürücü’s murder was immediately linked to six other killings in Berlin that had taken place since October 2004 where the suspected motive was that of a so-called ‘honour killing’.

At the same time, on 19^th May 2006, the Federal Criminal Police Office in Wiesbaden published an analysis of so-called ‘honour killings’ that had been recorded by the police. According to the study, there had been a total of 55 such cases in Germany between 1^st January 1996 and 18^th July 2005.

Since mid-2005 Germany has – at long last – been debating the integration of immigrants, as well as women in the Muslim world and in the diaspora. We finally admitted to ourselves that in many German cities some Turkish districts had in the meantime been established and therefore cultural areas where Turkish was the language of communication.

Slap bang in the middle of Germany and Western Europe an Islamic parallel society had come into being.

In these parallel societies a segment of our Muslim fellow citizens had retained their tribal culture, their traditional values, language as well as patriarchal norms, which are incompatible with our constitution and fundamental values.

To put it plainly: our Muslim fellow citizens have failed to make the leap from the old to the new homeland.

And today so many experts and politicians are suddenly unsure of themselves and are asking: ‘What has gone wrong in Germany?’

For years they were too dewy-eyed and optimistic, taking it for granted that the second generation at the latest would integrate automatically. They would be transformed from Gastarbeiter [literally ‘guest workers’, betraying the expectation that their residence would not be permanent] to citizens. They simply assumed that the differences between them and the native society would diminish as one generation succeeded another. The next generation – the children of the Gastarbeiter – would automatically become ‘Berliners born and bred’. And now they have ascertained that even the third generation – to an increasing extent – is moving in a quite different direction. All I have to say to this is: ’50 lost years’, the consequences of an absent integration policy.

Many of the integration problems, which we in the past as well as the present, have endeavoured to solve on the basis of integration measures, are linked to a fundamental error. The attempt to explain that every ‘Muslim’ who has immigrated to Germany and who has attended language and integration courses will automatically embrace the values of the free democratic constitutional structure and recognise women’s rights, religious pluralism as well as the secular principle.

A further false promise is integration through language. The truth is that language acquisition does not equal integration, but represents a key to integration. A lack of or poor language knowledge ought not, therefore, to be made solely responsible for integration problems.

Linguistic, professional and social integration work starts with a person’s upbringing in the parental home and is bolstered in particular through cooperation in day nurseries and schools.

It is up to parents to pass on democratic values through the upbringing they provide. Muslim and Turkish parents should be obliged to take this task on board, if necessary with the help of professional social workers and early start programmes (such as the Hippy Programme). Without the cooperation of parents or a constructive will on their part to engage in integration our expectations of either the new integration measures funded through taxpayers’ money or the amended immigration law that entered into force on 28^th August [2007] ought not to be too great.

If we really want to integrate the Turkish population we ought not to leave them with the Turkish press and media as their sole source of information.

The vast majority of all Turkish programmes watched in Germany are produced in Turkey and beamed to Germany via satellite. Most of these programmes are hardly conducive to integration, but are instead more suitable for keeping Turkish migrants anchored in the culture and mentality of their country of origin. The dissemination of radical Islamic and right-wing extremist ideas via the Turkish media in Germany has barely registered on the political radar up to now.

Press coverage in Turkish language newspapers has been repeatedly criticised. Accusations have been levelled of a distorted image of Germany and aggressively nationalistic reporting, which obstructs integration efforts and contributes to the creation of ‘parallel media worlds’. Its influence on the integration process in Germany exceeds that of much of the German media.

It is high time that we call multiculturalism – mainly on the political scene – into question and break the taboo. But – I fear – until we have arrived at that stage, the gulf between the cultures will yawn ever wider. Under the headline Merkel is Hitler Number Two, the Islamicist daily VAKIT [Anadolu’ da Vakit] in its Sunday edition of 2^nd September [2007] equated the German Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel with the Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler. In addition, Mrs. Merkel was humiliated in a caricature which portrayed her with a swastika on her arm and along with her the entire German people.

The cause of this wrath was the new law on immigration, which was allegedly directed primarily against Turks. Several Turkish immigrant organisations and German-Turkish politicians inter alia were of a similar opinion and boycotted the integration summit on 12^th July [2007] by way of protest.

When our President Horst Köhler signed it on 21^st August [2007], other sections of the Turkish media likewise seized upon the new immigration law to voice hostile criticisms of Merkel and the Federal Republic. Had it been the other way round, many Turks would have felt that their national pride had been injured.

One or other might recall. A few days after Pope Benedict’s speech in Regensburg the Vatican, ‘for fear of attacks’, had to ask forgiveness of the Muslim faithful. The same scenes were played out in Denmark and Sweden over the caricature dispute.

And to today’s date I have likewise been waiting in vain for the Turkish side to say: ‘We would like to apologise to Chancellor Angela Merkel and the German people for having offended them’.

And to today’s date I have equally been waiting in vain for Muslim ‘sisters and brothers’ to make a clear declaration ‘against fundamentalism’ and ‘in favour of integration’, whether it manifest itself in the form of large-scale demonstrations, advertising campaigns, vigils or a kilometre of lit candles.

I would like to see some clear indication at long last that honest efforts are being made by Muslims to integrate into our society and culture. Whether it be through flags, posters or banners hung in front of mosques or car stickers with slogans such as ‘Against fundamentalism’, ‘Against political Islam’ and ‘Equal rights for Muslim women’ or ‘Against forced marriages and honour killings’. I don’t believe in the lip service they pay any more. I want to see action!

It is, for example, customary for Muslims in the Ramadan month of fasting to make donations and pay or transfer their zakat-contribution [compulsory alms contribution].

What I expect of Islamic organisations and initiatives or of the zakat-administrations that the payment of zakat-contributions not just be spent on projects ‘by Muslims for Muslims’, such as, for example, in Palestine, the Lebanon, Sri Lanka or Pakistan or to use zakat alms to fund the building of mosques in Germany or to make provisions for the poorest countries of the world under the pretext of ‘Muslims Helping People in Need’, but also to support ‘Aid projects for destitute Christians’ or to organise projects to promote integration outside the mosque.

It would be a welcome move if they were to give up building a single mosque a year in Germany and spend the money instead on setting up a ‘refuge for Muslim girls’.

Instead of merely paying lip service in condemnations of Islamic terrorism, they should provide financial support in the form of donations to foundations or assistance programmes for the victims and bereaved families of the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington [11^th September 2001] or in Madrid [11^th March 2004] or in Israel, or use zakat alms to launch campaigns against the persecution of and discrimination against Christians by Muslim fanatics.

Integration can only hope to succeed if we set in motion a change in mentality in Muslim society, particularly amongst the so-called Turkish elite (businessmen, politicians, journalists and academics). Above all we need a change of mentality of German society, which immediately suspects that xenophobia lurks behind every critical statement, in which even the native elite and its own citizens adopts a schizophrenic, distanced and even downright hostile relationship with the home country. Whereas it is not a rarity for the children of Turkish immigrants into Germany to be given a Turkish fascist name such as Bozkurt or Asena and for them to have a chauvinistic national pride drummed into them, every positive feeling of patriotism is mercilessly nipped in the bud amongst German children. It is the self-appointed ‘pillars of the community’ who feel that every decent German should hang his head in shame over his past for all eternity and when young people say ‘I don’t feel personally responsible for a crime committed by my grandparents!’ they have insults and abuse hurled at them.

Of course the crime of the Holocaust is a crime against humanity of incomparable magnitude, which should never be forgotten. But all other states have to face up to their share of the responsibility too. The task for the future for the young people of Germany will be to set aside the involuntary and difficult title of ‘criminals of the Holocaust’ and with due vigilance and care to fight for peace right across the world, to combat racism, fascism, anti-Semitism and other forms of intolerance.

If Germans are calling for integration, they have to ask themselves the question of integration into what precisely?

Where is a sense of pride in the new home or a willingness to embrace this country amongst immigrants supposed to come from, if even the native is afraid to be ‘German’? Is afraid that if he waves a flag even once he will be condemned as a nationalist? It didn’t escape our notice that many of the people who were waving the German flag at the World Cup in 2006 came from an immigrant background. The big stage provided by the World Cup showed us positive chances for integration and cohabitation. Consciousness of one’s own cultural values and espousing them is not a hindrance to, but the precondition of an intercultural dialogue.

These values – which are founded on an unshakeable belief in democracy, the fundamental rights of men and women and the inherent dignity of the individual – continue to define our common interests in the 21^st century. If the Germans themselves have no clear identity they will fail in their undertaking to integrate foreigners.

Not only as a woman from a Turkish background, but above all as a German citizen, I feel obliged to fight constraints on liberty. It is precisely because of my constitutional patriotism that I have a duty to fight against all forms of discrimination and intolerance. Remain critical in the interests of peaceful cohabitation!”

In connection with the award and in response to Serap’s call for action, the Association of German Criminal Investigation Officers published a set of proposals on how best to combat violence against women, including:

• training to be provided for police to raise awareness concerning the specific features of the situation of Muslim, and in particular, Turkish women in Germany and the types of crime they are most likely to fall victim to;
• similar further training about typical patterns of behaviour and manifestations of physical and psychological abuse of women;
• providing information to Turkish/Muslim men that certain actions legitimated by tradition in the country of origin are against the law and, as such, subject to criminal prosecution in Germany;
• including the topic of the role of women in Islamic societies on the school curriculum;
• providing detailed and comprehensive information to Turkish girls so that if they become victims they will turn to the German police for assistance;
• to foster trust amongst young people affected and their families concerning the objectivity of the work done by the German police;
• cooperation between the police and women’s shelters, especially those that deal primarily with Muslim women;
• where individuals are under threat a change of name and new identity documents along the lines of the witness protection programme should be authorised and facilitated;
• in cases of massive psychological intimidation or physical violence committed by the family, the victim should be afforded the same assistance as in witness protection programmes, including change of place of residence and employment, severing contacts and providing the opportunity for a fresh start away from the family;
• guarantees of financial and practical assistance to enable the victim to start a new life;
• a consistent judicial response to crimes committed, for example, prison sentences without early release on probation;
• examining the possibility of tougher sentences in cases where physical and psychological violence against women has taken place on religious grounds;
• deportation of male foreign nationals in order to remove the source of danger when the threat to the Muslim woman has been substantiated and where the immigration status of the man concerned allows.

Serap’s website on the awards ceremony

Interview with Serap Cileli

Serap Cileli at the Round Table in Brussels

 

 

 

Translations © Chameleon 2007